Biography

After graduating from the Faculty of History, she began working at the Faculty of Psychology of Moscow State University, where she went from a translator under an economic contract to the head of the department of social psychology, professor. In 1989 she defended her thesis "Attributive processes in intergroup relations" (supervisor - G. M. Andreeva), and in 1999 - a doctoral dissertation (topic - " Social Psychology ethnic identity"). The degree of Doctor of Psychology was awarded to T. G. Stefanenko in 2000, the academic title of professor was awarded in 2002.

At the Faculty of Psychology of Moscow State University, she taught courses on "Ethnopsychology", "Methodology and Practice of Social Psychology of the 21st Century", "Modern Concepts of Social Psychology", "Social Psychology of Interethnic and Interfaith Relations", "Psychology of Social Emotions and Experiences", "Psychology of Intergroup Relations" .

Member of the Academic Council of the Faculty of Psychology and three doctoral dissertation councils (at Moscow State University, St. Petersburg State University, SFU). In 2009 she was awarded the title of Honored Professor of Moscow University.

Scientific works

Monographs

• Stefanenko T. G., Shlyagina E. I., Enikolopov S. N. Methods of ethnopsychological research. M.: Publishing House of Moscow State University, 1993.
• Transformation of identification structures into modern Russia. M.: MONF, 2001 (author and scientific editor).

Textbooks and study guides

• Introduction to practical social psychology: Textbook. Moscow: Meaning, 1996 (co-authored).
• Belinskaya E. P., Stefanenko T. G. Ethnic socialization of a teenager. M .: Moscow Psychological and Social Institute, Voronezh: MODEK, 2000.
• Social psychology in modern world: Tutorial. Moscow: Aspect Press, 2002 (co-authored).
• Lebedeva N. M., Luneva O. V., Martynova M. Yu., Stefanenko T. G. Intercultural dialogue: Training of ethno-cultural competence: Educational and methodological manual. M: RUDN University Publishing House, 2003.
• Lebedeva N. M., Luneva O. V., Stefanenko T. G. Ethnic tolerance training for schoolchildren: Textbook. M.: Hello, 2004.
• Lebedeva N. M., Stefanenko T. G., Luneva O. V. Intercultural dialogue at school. Book 1: theory and methodology. Book 2: training program. M: RUDN University Publishing House, 2004.
• Developmental Psychology: Textbook. Edition 2, revised. and additional Moscow: Academy, 2005 (co-authored).
• Social transformations in Russia: theories, practices, comparative analysis. Moscow: Flinta, MPSI, 2005 (co-authored).
• Stefanenko T. G. Ethnopsychology: Workshop. Edition 2, revised. and additional Moscow: Aspect Press, 2013.
• Stefanenko T. G. Ethnopsychology: Textbook. 5th ed. - M. : Aspect Press, 2014. - 352 p. - ISBN 978-5-7567-0731-1.

Articles

• Stefanenko T. G. Ethnic identity and some problems of its study // Ethnos. Identity. Education. Proceedings on the sociology of education / Ed. V. S. Sobkina. M., 1998. S. 84-104.
• Belinskaya E. P., Litvina S. A., Muravyova O. I., Stefanenko T. G., Tikhomandritskaya O. A. Political culture: attitude towards paternalism in the mentality of Russians // Siberian Journal of Psychology. 2004. No. 20. S. 63-70.
• Stefanenko T. G., Leontiev M. G. Models of conflict: the specificity of Chinese and other cultures // Vyskochil A. A., Dyatlova E. V., Kozlova M. A., Kubarsky D. V., Lebedeva N. M. , Leontiev M. G., Liu Ts., Melnikova N. M., Moskalenko N. P., Snezhkova I. A., Stefanenko T. G., Tatarko A. N. Tolerance in intercultural dialogue collective monograph. / Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology RAS; resp. editors: N. M. Lebedeva, A. N. Tatarko. M.: IEA RAN, 2005. S. 321-341.
• Stefanenko T. G., Tikhomandritskaya O. A., Bovina I. B., Malysheva N. G., Golynchik E. O. Russian students’ perceptions of their country // Higher Education for the 21st Century VI International Scientific Conference: Reports and Materials . 2009. S. 13-18.
• Bovina I. B., Stefanenko T. G., Tihomandritskaya O. A., Malysheva N. G., Golynchik E. O.

Stefanenko T. G. Ethnopsychology.- M .: Institute of Psychology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, "Academic Project", 1999. – 320 p.

The textbook presents a systematic course in ethnopsychology and is an enlarged and corrected edition. study guide, released by the Faculty of Psychology of Moscow State University. M. V. Lomonosov in an extremely limited edition in 1998. It attempts to integrate ethnopsychological approaches that exist in various sciences - from psychology to cultural anthropology. The ways of development of ethnopsychology are outlined, the classical and latest achievements of its main schools and trends in the study of personality, communication, regulation of social behavior in the context of culture. The socio-psychological aspects of ethnic identity, interethnic relations, adaptation in a foreign cultural environment are analyzed in detail.

For students majoring in psychology, history, political science and other humanities.

Stefanenko T. G. 1

Ethnopsychology 1

THE PROBLEM OF THE SOCIAL GROUP IN THE MIRROR OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY 4

FOREWORD 10

PART ONE. INTRODUCTION 11

Chapter I ethnic revival of the second half of the 20th century 11

1.1. The ethnic paradox of modernity 11

1.2. Psychological reasons for the growth of ethnic identity in the modern world 12

1.3. Ethnic identity in situations of social instability 14

CHAPTER II ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY AS AN INTERDISCIPLINARY FIELD OF KNOWLEDGE 16

2.1. What is an ethnos? 16

2.2. Culture as a psychological concept. eighteen

2.3. What is ethnopsychology? twenty

Part two. HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY 24

CHAPTER I ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL IDEAS IN EUROPEAN SCIENCE 24

1.1. The origin of ethnopsychology in history and philosophy 24

1.2. The study of the psychology of peoples in Germany and Russia" 25

1.3. W. Wundt: the psychology of peoples as the first form of socio-psychological knowledge 28

1.4. G. G. Shpet on the subject of ethnic psychology 29

CHAPTER II PSYCHOLOGICAL DIRECTION IN AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 31

2.1. Crop configurations 31

2.2. Basic and Modal Personality 32

2.3. Subject and tasks of psychological anthropology 34

CHAPTER III COMPARATIVE-CULTURAL APPROACH TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF GENERAL PSYCHOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE 37

3.1. First Empirical Research in General Psychology 37

3.2. A little about intelligence tests 38

3.3. Visual illusions 40

3.4. Color: coding and categorization 41

CHAPTER IV MAIN DIRECTIONS OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH 45

4.1 Relativism, absolutism, universalism 45

4.2. L. Levy-Bruhl on the mentality of primitive and modern man. 46

4.3. K. Levi-Strauss on the universality of the structure of thinking 49

Part Three PERSONALITY IN CULTURES AND ETHNOES 52

CHAPTER I ETHNOCULTURAL VARIABILITY OF SOCIALIZATION 52

1.1. Socialization, inculturation, cultural transmission 52

1.2. Ethnography of childhood 55

1.3. Comparative Cultural Study of Socialization: Archival, Field and Experimental Research 58

1.4. Adolescence and "transition to the world of adults" 62

CHAPTER II ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF PERSONALITY STUDIES 66

2.1. Personality traits: universality or specificity? 66

2.2. National character or mentality? 69

2.3. The problem of norm and pathology 74

CHAPTER III UNIVERSAL AND CULTURAL-SPECIFIC ASPECTS OF COMMUNICATION 78

3.1. Comparative-cultural approach in social psychology 78

3.2. The dependence of communication on the cultural context 80

3.3. Expressive behavior and culture 84

3.4. Intercultural differences in causal attribution 87

CHAPTER IV CULTURAL VARIATION IN REGULATORS OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR 92

4.1. Regulatory function of culture 92

4.2. Individualism and collectivism 94

4.3. Guilt and shame as mechanisms of social control 98

4.4. Conformity as a regulator of individual behavior in a group 101

Part 4. PSYCHOLOGY OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS 105

Chapter 1. Interethnic Relations and Cognitive Processes 105

1.1. Intergroup and interpersonal relations 105

1.2. Psychological determinants of interethnic relations 107

1.3. Social and ethnic identity 109

1.4. Cognitive and affective components of ethnic identity 109

Chapter 2. Development and transformation of ethnic identity 113

2.1. Stages of formation of ethnic identity 113

2.2. The influence of the social context on the formation of ethnic identity 115

2.3. Strategies for maintaining ethnic identity 116

2.4. The problem of changing ethnic identity 117

2.5. Model of two dimensions of ethnic identity 119

Chapter 3. Mechanisms of intergroup perception in interethnic relations 123

3.1. ETHNOCENTRISM AS A SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL PHENOMENON 123

3.2. Ethnic stereotypes: history of study and main properties 125

3.3. Ethnic stereotypes: the problem of truth 127

3.4. Ethnic stereotypes and the mechanism of stereotyping 129

3.5. Social causal attribution 130

Chapter 4. Ethnic conflicts: causes and ways of settlement 133

4.1. Definition and classification of ethnic conflicts 133

4.2. Ethnic conflicts: how they arise 135

4.3. Ethnic conflicts: how they proceed 138

4.4 Resolution of ethnic conflicts 141

Chapter 5 Adapting to a New Cultural Environment 145

5.1. Adaptation. acculturation. Tool 145

5.2. Culture shock and stages of intercultural adaptation 146

5.3. Factors influencing the process of adaptation to a new cultural environment 148

5.4. Consequences of intercultural contacts for groups and individuals 150

5.5. Preparation for intercultural interaction 151

5.6. "Cultural assimilator" or technique for increasing intercultural sensitivity 153

Literature 156

THE PROBLEM OF THE SOCIAL GROUP IN THE MIRROR OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY

The release of the modern textbook "Ethnopsychology" in the "Library of Social Psychology", which won the recognition of readers thanks to the publication of the psychological classics, is natural and timely. Not only because the work of T. G. Stefanenko summarizes and generalizes the results of ethnopsychological research over the century that has passed since the first publication of the fundamental works of V. Wundt, G. Lebon, G. Tarde, A. Fullier and others presented in the "Library" founders of ethnopsychology. But also because ethnopsychological problems occupy a special, one might even say exceptional place in the fate of social psychology as a branch of scientific knowledge. Both the past and - I am sure - the future of this discipline are closely connected with the solution of a range of problems of an ethnopsychological nature.

It is known that the origins of socio-psychological knowledge are clearly revealed already in the philosophical treatises of antiquity. The "State" of Plato, "Politics" and "Rhetoric" of Aristotle, "Conversations and Judgments" of Confucius are convincing and not the only evidence that the history of socio-psychological thinking is as old as attempts to understand the nature of the relationship between man and society and find ways to their regulation. How do stable forms of social coexistence grow out of contradictory and changeable human aspirations? How is a free and unique individuality born and surviving under the conditions of society's pressure to standardize people and strict social control? Is it possible and how to alleviate the burden of the eternal conflict between the individual and society without destroying the first and blowing up the second? Only a list of the names of thinkers who for centuries posed and solved these central problems for social psychology would take up more than one page. However, no matter how important their contribution to the formation of socio-psychological knowledge, only in the second half of the last century did it cease to be the lot of individual intellectuals and, by the beginning of the present, acquire the status of a relatively independent and recognized science. Why and how did it happen?

Realizing that the emergence of any science is a long, complex and unambiguous process, I would venture to name two groups of reasons, the interaction of which led to the establishment of social psychology as a system of scientific knowledge at the turn of the century. The first is the global socio-historical transformations that reached their apogee in the 19th century. The dramatic processes of the formation of modern nation-states, migration and social mobility as a result of the final collapse of feudal relations, the unprecedented growth of cities, rapid industrialization - these and similar social events determined the social need to study the psychological factors of social dynamics: mass consciousness and behavior, mechanisms of consolidation and reproduction peoples (ethnic groups), etc. The second group of reasons that determined the emergence of social psychology is associated with the development and differentiation of the system of humanitarian knowledge (suffice it to recall that it was in the 19th century that sociology, psychology, ethnology, linguistics and other human sciences received the rights of "scientific citizenship" discipline) and the crisis of traditional concepts of socio-historical development and psychological doctrines. Being dissatisfied with the abstract-logical methods of reconstructing the patterns of both the historical process and the mental life of an individual, the thinkers of the end of the last century, through the follower of E. Durkheim, Celestin Bougle, postulated the need to “move from the philosophy of I to the philosophy of We and build a social psychology, the laws of which illuminate the biography of peoples, the history of mankind, as the laws of individual psychology illuminate the biography of individuals” 1 .

Considering social psychology as a kind of bridge over the abyss that separated history and the individual soul, the authors of that time believed that the development of this discipline would make it possible to significantly advance in the knowledge of both the first and the second. The isolated individual is nothing more than a familiar abstraction. Consider it as it is open to internal observation, i.e. outside the social context means to build a scientific fiction, because individuality is a product of history. “If we want to explain the form and content of the individual's psyche, we must proceed from the general: logically and chronologically, society precedes the individual” 1 . Society is not homogeneous, being in it, a person belongs to various social groups, each of which in its own way affects his life. But the most significant of them a century ago was almost unanimously considered the people (ethnos). It is no coincidence that the first version of the new - social! – it was the psychology of peoples that became psychology, which, according to the thought of its founders M. Lazarus and G. Steinthal, “to discover those laws of the human spirit that manifest themselves where many live and act together as a unit” 2 . Although the spirit of the people lives only in individuals, the patterns of its emergence, prosperity and decline can be known only when the ethnos as such becomes the main object of psychological study.

Of course, J. Herbart's student M. Lazarus and W. Humbold's follower G. Steinthal were not the only authors of the discovery of a large social group as a special psychological reality. The works of K. D. Kavelin, P. L. Lavrov, N. K. Mikhailovsky, N. N. Nadezhdin, G. V. Plekhanov, A. A. Potebnya, G. G. Shpet and others contributed to the psychological understanding of the social group. in Russia, W. Wundt, G. Zimmel, F. Tönnies in Germany, H. Spencer in England, E. Durkheim, G. Lebon, G. Tarde and others in France, F. Giddings, Ch. Cooley, E. Ross, A. Small, W. Thomas, L. Ward in the USA. The ethnopsychological studies of these scientists, as well as their numerous followers in the 20th century, largely determined, firstly, the problem area of ​​the psychological analysis of social groups, and secondly, the understanding of their essential distinguishing features.

What do psychologists seek to understand by studying groups? In other words, what is the main subject of socio-psychological reflection in the analysis of groups? Studies of the psychology of peoples - communities so complex and diverse that it would seem that there can be no talk of any holistic psychological phenomena here - allow us to formulate at least five main problems in the psychological study of diverse groups. First. How does the initially nominal community of once strangers turn into a real psychological community? Due to what arise and what are the phenomena and processes that mark the birth of the group as an integral psychological formation? How does group cohesion appear and manifest itself? Second. What is the life cycle of a group from its inception to its collapse? What are the prerequisites and mechanisms for its transition from one qualitative state to another? What factors determine the longevity of a group? Third. What processes ensure the stability and efficiency of the functioning of the group as a collective subject of common activity? What are the ways to stimulate her productivity? How does the guiding principle of group activity arise and be realized? How does the functional-role differentiation of members of a group or its subgroups take place? Does the structure of interaction between people in a group affect the nature of their interpersonal relationships? Fourth. How does the psychological dynamics of a group depend on its position in society? To what extent does the social status of a group predetermine the trajectory of its life path? How are intragroup processes and phenomena related to the peculiarities of intergroup relations of this group? Fifth. Does anything happen to a person when he becomes a member of a group? Do his views, values, habits, preferences change? If so, what are the mechanisms of group influence on the individual and how deep are its consequences? Can an individual act as a factor in group dynamics and under what conditions? How do the individual psychological characteristics of its members affect the fate of the group?

The diversity of social associations that have been the objects of psychological analysis for a century and a half, as well as the serious transformations that they have undergone during this period, exclude the unambiguity of the answers to the questions found in the literature. However, the direction of their solution can be seen quite clearly: it is dictated by the prevailing, including under the influence of ethnopsychological research, understanding of the essence of a social group as a relatively stable set of people historically connected by a commonality of values, goals, means, or conditions of social life. Of course, this definition in itself, however, like any other of the many dozens existing in social psychology, does not allow us to fully and comprehensively characterize the psychological originality of such a multifaceted phenomenon as a human group. It has long been known that any phenomenon is always richer than its own essence. The diversity, dynamism and variability of real social groups cannot be reduced to the remaining unchanged essential properties of stability, historicity, and the commonality of the group's life. However, we have no other way, because to give a definition of any object means to formulate criteria for its difference from other objects, while a criterion can only be stable, therefore, an essential distinguishing feature. What qualities should a certain set of people have in order to be classified as a social group?

A detailed analysis of the socio-psychological ideas about the nature of a social group, which have developed in line with various theoretical orientations, allows us to include the following among the main distinguishing features of a social group:

the inclusion of the human community in a wider social context, a system of social relations that determine the possibility of the emergence, meaning and limits of the existence of a group and set (directly or indirectly) models, norms or rules of interindividual and collective behavior and intergroup relations;

the presence of a significant reason (reason) for the members of the group to be in it together, meeting the interests of all its participants and contributing to the realization of the needs of each;

the similarity of the fate of people in a group who share the conditions, events of life and their consequences and, because of this, have a commonality of impressions and experiences;

duration of existence, sufficient for the emergence of not only a specific language and channels of intra-group communications, but also collective history (traditions, memories, rituals) and culture (representations, values, symbols, monuments), which have a unifying effect on the attitude of group members and thereby bringing them closer;

division and differentiation of functional roles (positions) between members of the group or its subgroups, due to the nature of common goals and objectives, conditions and means of their implementation, composition, skill level and inclinations of the persons forming the group, which implies cooperative interdependence of participants, complementarity (mutual complementarity) of intragroup relations ;

the presence of bodies (instances) of planning, coordination, control of group life and individual behavior, which are personified in the person of one of the members of the group, endowed with a special status (leader, monarch, leader, leader, etc.), represented by a subgroup with special powers ( parliament, politburo, directorate, administration, etc.), or distributed among the members of the group and ensure the purposefulness, orderliness and stability of its existence;

awareness by participants of their belonging to a group, self-categorization as its representatives, more similar to each other than to members of other associations, the emergence on this basis of the feeling of "We" ("Own") and "They" ("Aliens") with a tendency to overestimate the advantages of the former and the disadvantages of the latter, especially in a situation of intergroup conflict, which stimulates the growth of intragroup solidarity due to the partial depersonalization of the self-perception of group members who consider themselves in a situation of threat from the outside as its equivalent defenders, and not isolated owners of unique features;

recognition of a given human community as a group by its social environment, due to the participation of the group in the process of intergroup differentiation, which contributes to the formation and isolation of individual public associations and allows them to be distinguished from the outside in the complex structure of the social whole and to identify their representatives on the basis of criteria shared by the community, no matter how schematic, no matter how rigid and biased they may be: the stereotyping and emotionality of intergroup representations, perhaps, allow one to doubt their truth, but by no means prevent effective identification and categorization of both the groups themselves and their members.

How does a group of people, limited in social space, acquire the named signs of a social group? What makes a historically concrete set of individuals become the collective subject of socio-psychological phenomena? G. M. Andreeva, L. P. Bueva, A. V. Petrovsky, a number of other domestic researchers, including the author of these lines, consider socially determined joint activity to be the main system-forming and integrating basis of the group. In the first approximation, it can be understood as an organized system of activity of interacting individuals, aimed at the expedient production (reproduction) of objects of material and spiritual culture, i.e. a set of values ​​that characterize the mode of existence of society in a given historical period. The content and forms of group life are ultimately dictated by the palette of social needs and opportunities. The social context determines the material and organizational prerequisites for the formation of a group, sets the goals, means and conditions of group activity, and in many respects the composition of individuals implementing it.

Speaking of the psychology of a social group, we have so far tried to determine what properties a certain set of people must acquire in order to become a real human community. An analysis of the socio-psychological interpretations of the group made it possible to attribute to such properties the stability of existence, the predominance of integrative tendencies, the sufficient distinctness of group boundaries, the emergence of a sense of We, the closeness of norms and behaviors, and others listed above. Let us now try to approach the same problem from a different, opposite side. Let us think: what should a social group be deprived of in order, having lost the named properties, to turn into a nominal aggregate of people who do not possess any kind of "collective psychology"? In a different formulation: what is the difference between a conditional group of persons, usually identified in statistics, and a real one? The answer is not simple, but obvious - the lack of interconnection (interdependence) of the participants in the way of life, which determines the possibility and method of satisfying significant needs, interests and goals.

Manifestations of intergroup interdependence of people are as diverse as human associations themselves. The division of the process of joint activity between members of a small functional group, due to the nature of the goal, the means and conditions for achieving it, the composition and skill level of the performers, is the most obvious example of the interdependence of individuals in the realization of common interests and personal needs associated with the achievement of collective goals. The cooperative relationship (cooperation) is embodied here both in the final product of joint activity and in the process of its production. Individual actions in the structure of joint activities are always interdependent: either because they must unfold in a strict sequence, when the result of one action serves as a condition for the beginning of another, or for other reasons, including, among other things, competitive relations between performers. Considering that the members of any small group have relatively regular and prolonged contact face to face, at a minimum distance, it cannot be ruled out that they are connected not only by functional, but also by emotional relationships. Often, sympathy and antipathy, love and hatred, sacrifice and selfishness, hidden from a cursory glance of an outside observer, are also a manifestation of co-dependence directly - here and now - of communicating people.

It is easy to see that functional (role-playing, instrumental) oriented toward the achievement of a common goal and emotional (interpersonal) relationships oriented towards the participants in joint activities arise as a result of the spatio-temporal co-presence of group members. Obviously, members of large stable groups, including ethnic ones, although they are aware of the existence of each other, are able to maintain close acquaintance only with a very limited circle of their own kind. In addition, one can speak only conditionally about the coordinated life activity of such groups. Various kinds of committees, associations, councils, congresses, and other institutional associations that exist within the framework of large groups are only partially organizing and linking the group and do not determine either the direction or the pace of group dynamics. In characterizing the vital activity of these groups, it is appropriate, apparently, to speak not of purposeful development, but of evolution, the ultimate goal of which cannot be singled out. Indeed, what are the any permanent common goals of such groups as "Russians", "French", "Germans", etc.? It is easier to answer the question "how" than "why" they arise. The origin of ethnic groups is rooted in the distant past, and the period and direction of their life activity, if any, are hidden in a foggy future.

The cultural and psychological identity of ethnic groups and other large stable groups is formed historically, often through the efforts of many generations, therefore the true nature of the socio-psychological consolidation of such communities can only be revealed through historical and psychological analysis, immersing the object of study in the river of time. Representatives of ethnic groups connect not so much direct - functional and emotional - relations as essentially symbolic contacts generated by a sense of similarity in conditions and lifestyles, experiences, interests and values. Studies of ethnic identity - a sense of belonging to one's own ethnic group, solidarity with it, detailed in the textbook by T. G. Stefanenko, significantly expand and enrich ideas about the forms and mechanisms of psychological integration of social groups. The author convincingly shows that the ethno-differentiating features, on the basis of which the awareness of ethnicity is built, can be the most diverse and sometimes unexpected elements of material and spiritual culture for an outside observer. Moreover, the identity factor here is not the objective cultural distinctiveness of these elements in itself, but their perception, evaluation as such. One involuntarily recalls the definition of M. Lazarus and G. Steinthal, according to which “a people is a multitude of people who consider themselves as a people, classify themselves as one people” 1 . If the commonality of ideas turns out to be a determinant of the psychological integrity of such a “solid” group as an ethnos, it can be assumed that social-perceptual processes also play a significant role in rallying others, including small groups. Somewhat forgotten, but still carried out in the last decade, studies of group dynamics confirm the validity of this assumption.

The foregoing, I believe, is enough to conclude that ethnopsychology has made an enormous contribution to understanding the socio-psychological mechanisms of the life of groups. However, familiarity with this textbook - I am sure - will convince the reader that ethnopsychology has no less heuristic potential in the study of other problems of socio-psychological knowledge: personality, communication, etc. I think, however, that the content of the book has such an obvious independent value, that does not need additional references to the contribution to the development of related psychological disciplines.

The work of T. G. Stefanenko is the first attempt to create an academic textbook in terms of coverage and disclosure of problems, concepts and tasks of a textbook on ethnopsychology. It briefly but succinctly summarizes more than a hundred years of development of this science. The author selects the material in such a way as to construct the reader's panoramic vision of the subject in theoretical, methodological and historiographic terms and to acquaint him with the results of the latest comparative cultural studies. But this is not so much an outline of the history and current state of ethnopsychology as a detailed analysis of the evolution of key ideas for this science. Although the author gravitates toward social psychology due to her scientific interests, ethnopsychology in her presentation appears as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge developing at the intersection of psychology, cultural anthropology and sociology. The freshness and novelty of the approach is predetermined by the core element that permeates almost the entire exposition: an analysis of the psychological aspects of ethnic identity, its influence on the development of a person in an ethnocultural environment, the stability of ethnic communities and interethnic relations. It is with the help of the concept of ethnic identity that the author manages to achieve creative growth in the interpretation and comprehension of other ethnopsychological phenomena.

The work of T. G. Stefanenko is far from being the only one in which ethno-psychological problems are covered. In recent years, when in society there is a growing - by no means idle - interest in "national problems", and ethnopsychology has begun to be studied in most universities that train psychologists, several similar textbooks have already been published. In St. Petersburg State University in 1994, "Ethnic Psychology" by A. O. Boronoev and V. N. Pavlenko was published, and in 1995 - "Introduction to Ethnic Psychology", ed. Yu. P. Platonov. Among the works of Moscow authors should be mentioned "Introduction to Ethnopsychology" by E. A. Sarakuev and V. G. Krysko (1996) and "Introduction to Ethnic and Cross-Cultural Psychology" by N. M. Lebedeva (1998). One can only welcome their publication, which testifies to the formation of Russian ethnopsychology, its establishment as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge. These and other textbooks differ conceptually and in the breadth of coverage of the material, but in each of them the reader is waiting for finds and discoveries. However, most of them bear a clear imprint of the fact that the system of ethnopsychological knowledge is far from settled: the conceptual apparatus used by the authors is subjective, the presentation of empirical data is excessively variegated, the methods for obtaining them are often absent, as a result, entire sections of manuals are devoted to describing speculatively identified ethnopsychological features. representatives of individual peoples.

Against this background, the work of T. G. Stefanenko favorably differs in that it is logically structured, it develops classical and proposes new conceptual schemes, which, however, is done without compromising the specificity of the presentation and the abundance of well-thought-out factual material. The author's general humanitarian erudition allows her not only to analyze ethnopsychological studies, but also to use examples from ethnological, linguistic and fiction literature, presented in a detailed interdisciplinary bibliography.

Of course, T. G. Stefanenko's relatively small textbook does not cover all the ethno-psychological problems, which, however, the author is aware of (see the author's preface). There is no doubt that with the development of Russian ethnopsychology, work will continue on the creation of new, both more fundamental and more specialized manuals and textbooks, in which the author of this book will also take part.

Full member of the Russian Academy of Education, Doctor of Psychology, Professor A. I. Dontsov

THE PROBLEM OF THE SOCIAL GROUP IN THE MIRROR OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
FOREWORD
PART ONE. INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I ETHNIC REVIVAL IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XX CENTURY
1.1. The ethnic paradox of modernity
1.2. Psychological reasons for the growth of ethnic identity in the modern world
1.3. Ethnic identity in situations of social instability
CHAPTER II ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY AS AN INTERDISCIPLINARY FIELD OF KNOWLEDGE
2.1. What is an ethnos?
2.2. Culture as a psychological concept.
2.3. What is ethnopsychology?
Part two. HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
CHAPTER I ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL IDEAS IN EUROPEAN SCIENCE
1.1. The origin of ethnopsychology in history and philosophy
1.2. The study of the psychology of peoples in Germany and Russia "
1.3. W. Wundt: the psychology of peoples as the first form of socio-psychological knowledge
1.4. G. G. Shpet on the subject of ethnic psychology
CHAPTER II PSYCHOLOGICAL DIRECTION IN AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
2.1. Crop Configurations
2.2. Basic and Modal Personality
2.3. The subject and tasks of psychological anthropology
CHAPTER III COMPARATIVE-CULTURAL APPROACH TO THE CONSTRUCTION OF GENERAL PSYCHOLOGICAL KNOWLEDGE
3.1. First empirical research in general psychology
3.2. A bit about intelligence tests
3.3. visual illusions
3.4. Color: coding and categorization
CHAPTER IV MAIN DIRECTIONS OF ETHNO-PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH
4.1 Relativism, absolutism, universalism
4.2. L. Levy-Bruhl on the mentality of the primitive and modern man.
4.3. K. Levi-Strauss on the universality of the structure of thinking
Part Three PERSONALITY IN CULTURES AND ETHNOES
CHAPTER I ETHNOCULTURAL VARIABILITY OF SOCIALIZATION
1.1. Socialization, inculturation, cultural transmission
1.2. Ethnography of childhood
1.3. Comparative Cultural Study of Socialization: Archival, Field and Experimental Research
1.4. Adolescence and "transition to the world of adults"
CHAPTER II ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF RESEARCH OF PERSONALITY
2.1. Personality traits: universality or specificity?
2.2. National character or mentality?
2.3. The problem of norm and pathology
CHAPTER III UNIVERSAL AND CULTURAL-SPECIFIC ASPECTS OF COMMUNICATION
3.1. Comparative-cultural approach in social psychology
3.2. Dependence of communication on cultural context
3.3. Expressive behavior and culture
3.4. Intercultural differences in causal attribution
CHAPTER IV CULTURAL VARIATION IN REGULATORS OF SOCIAL BEHAVIOR
4.1. Regulatory function of culture
4.2. individualism and collectivism
4.3. Guilt and shame as mechanisms of social control
4.4. Conformity as a regulator of individual behavior in a group
Part 4. PSYCHOLOGY OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS
Chapter 1. Interethnic Relations and Cognitive Processes
1.1. Intergroup and interpersonal relations
1.2. Psychological determinants of interethnic relations
1.3. Social and ethnic identity
1.4. Cognitive and affective components of ethnic identity
Chapter 2. Development and transformation of ethnic identity
2.1. Stages of formation of ethnic identity
2.2. The Influence of the Social Context on the Formation of Ethnic Identity
2.3. Strategies for maintaining ethnic identity
2.4. The problem of changing ethnic identity
2.5. Model of two dimensions of ethnic identity
Chapter 3. Mechanisms of intergroup perception in interethnic relations
3.1. ETHNOCENTRISM AS A SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL PHENOMENON
3.2. Ethnic stereotypes: history of study and main properties
3.3. Ethnic stereotypes: the problem of truth
3.4. Ethnic stereotypes and the mechanism of stereotyping
3.5. Social causal attribution
Chapter 4. Ethnic conflicts: causes and ways of settlement
4.1. Definition and classification of ethnic conflicts
4.2. Ethnic conflicts: how they arise
4.3. Ethnic conflicts: how they proceed
4.4 Settlement of ethnic conflicts
Chapter 5
5.1. Adaptation. acculturation. fixture
5.2. Culture shock and stages of intercultural adaptation
5.3. Factors influencing the process of adaptation to a new cultural environment
5.4. Consequences of intercultural contacts for groups and individuals
5.5. Preparation for intercultural interaction
5.6. "Cultural assimilator" or technique for increasing intercultural sensitivity
Literature

Bougie C Les sciences sociales en Allemagne. Paris, 1902. P. 20.
There. R. 21
Thoughts on folk psychology // Philological Notes. Issue. I and I. Voronezh, 1864. S. 84.
Thoughts on folk psychology // Philological Notes. Issue. V. Voronezh, 1864. S. 258.
In the future, we will analyze the concept of "ethnos" in more detail, and now we note that this word borrowed from the ancient Greek language is used in the meaning of "people", "national community".
In the United States, this science is most often called simply anthropology, and a specialist in this field is called an anthropologist, but we will use the terms "ethnologist" or "cultural anthropologist", especially since in Russian the term "anthropology" usually refers to physical anthropology.
In the emic approach, hypotheses are impossible, since the researcher has a “setting for the possibility of a collision at any moment with a new, not yet registered form of human behavior” (Mead, 1988, p. 8).
Let's remember these qualities, we will meet many of them in other "portraits" Slavic peoples, in particular the Russian people.
Another concept of linguistic determinism - the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis - we will analyze in the third chapter. There we will also consider studies that have tested this idea empirically.
He uses precisely this concept, and not the term the spirit of the people, as his predecessors, but we will not delve into terminological disagreements.
Let us remember this, since general (or collective, or social) representations are one of the central concepts of modern social psychology in general and social ethnopsychology in particular.
At the same time, he uses the term "type" in a meaning similar to the use of this word to characterize the heroes of literary works and is familiar to everyone from literature lessons.
In this translation, the word "sets" is translated the English term "sets", i.e. attitudes or readiness to act in a certain way in relation to certain objects in certain situations.
It should be noted that the concepts of many cultural anthropologists, and not just R. Venedikt, have undergone significant changes throughout their long scientific career, and they did not hesitate to admit their mistakes.
Although testing and experimentation is sometimes used.
It can be called differently - from the configurations of cultures to mentality.
The question of possible cross-cultural differences in color perception was raised long before Rivers. In the middle of the 19th century, the British statesman W. Gladstone drew attention to some oddities in Homer's poems - the absence of words for brown and blue colors and a significant predominance of "the most coarse and elemental forms of color, such as black and white" (Cit. in Rowe, 1996, p. 7). He viewed this as a sign of primitivism and the inferiority of color vision among the ancient Greeks. Even discussions began about the color blindness of the Greeks of the time of Homer. By now, this misunderstanding has been clarified: as we will see, modern researchers have proved that the absence of a term in the language for denoting a certain color does not at all lead to the inability to distinguish it from others. It is impossible even to assume that the Greeks "were not able to distinguish the color of the summer sky from the color of blood or snow" (Row, 1996, p.9).
And in early childhood, a child, like Grisha, the hero of the story of the same name by A.P. Chekhov, knows "only a quadrangular world, where in one corner is his bed, in the other - a nurse's chest, in the third - a chair, and in the fourth - a lamp is burning "(Chekhov, 1955, p. 187).
It should be noted that illusions were found in all cultures, the difference was only in the degree of their manifestation.
At present, most scientists believe that the languages ​​of the "first stage of development" have categories for "light warm" and "dark cold".
The extreme point of view is that the very study of interracial differences is racism.
Those. the technique is translated into another language, and then reverse translation is carried out.
In turn, social representations are understood by us in this case in the broadest sense - as common for representatives from the Cial group of ideas about the social world.
In Russian translations of Levy-Bruhl's works, the term “participation” is more often used, which is a tracing-paper from the French language and only obscures the meaning that is perfectly conveyed by the Russian word “complicity”.
For example, in the culture of the African people I will bring the most important categories are "heat" and "cold". The heat is perceived as a violation of the normal order, requiring the use of "cooling" agents. In any crisis situation, all hearths are sprinkled with a special magic potion, the name of which translates as “a gust of fresh wind” (Iordansky, 1982, p. 43).

However, this is not the only subject of ethnopsychological study of childhood. Comparative cultural studies have become widespread in developmental psychology. All major theories (the theory of the intellectual development of the child by J. Piaget, the theory of moral development by L. Kohlberg, the “epigenetic concept of the human life path” by E. Erickson) are still being tested in new and new cultures (see Matsumoto, 1996). And Erickson, as you know, when developing his theory, relied on his own ethnological studies of the Sioux and Yurok Indians (see Erickson, 1996a).
The term "enculturation" should not be confused with the term "acculturation" used - among others - to refer to the process of an individual entering a new culture.
In a multi-ethnic environment, the child is also exposed to the influence of adults belonging to a foreign culture, i.e. involved in the process of acculturation.
The American psychologist deduced this feature, among other things, from his own observations of the strange, from his point of view, behavior of passers-by who met children on the streets, and the children and adults accompanying them called them “uncles” and “aunts”.
The twine was a strip of old linen more than a meter long, which was cross-twined with a belt on top. Children were swaddled until they began to "resist swaddling" - sometimes up to a year and a half (Zelenin, 1991, p. 330).
As you know, until his death, the great Russian writer tried to free himself from the fetters, but already of society and the environment.

Analysis of the descriptions of 101 cultures and field studies of the Papago Indians and the Alorians already familiar to us.
True, this is not a completely correct example, since Barry considered the cultures of peoples who, until recently, led a primitive way of life.
Because some cultures were able to study slightly fewer children, a total of 67 girls and 67 boys took part in the project.
In total, at least 14 five-minute observations of the behavior of each child were carried out over the period from several months to a year.
The early inclusion of children in the working life of the community is also characteristic of traditional peasant cultures: in Russia in the 19th century, it occurred at the age of 7-8 (see Bershtam, 1988).
It seems to us that in the textbook there is no need to go into the details of the crisis that arose in the 1980s. discussions about the reliability of ethnographic descriptions Mead. We only note that the leading American ethnologists, although they believed that the researcher painted an idyllic image of growing up in Samoa, defended her (for more details, see Kohn, 1988 a).
And often girls too, since they were subjected to just such pubertal rites.
Very often, these rituals staged the death of a boy who was “symbolically burned, boiled, fried, chopped into pieces” (Propp, 1986, p. 56).
During this period, adolescents isolated themselves from the community and were in a mythical space, for example, in a sacred forest, where they “forgot” everything that related to their previous existence, and got acquainted with their new rights and obligations (Iordansky, 1982, p. 251) .
For example, a relatively high positive assessment of the concept of "aggressiveness" in the United States, where it means competitiveness in studies and sports, and not intentional harm to others, as in other cultures.
However, a universal personality questionnaire has also been designed to measure five factors, with the help of which similar results have been obtained in many cultures.
But proponents of this approach do not at all believe that the symptoms of schizophrenia do not occur at all in traditional society. It means something else: cultures differ in the prevalence and forms of manifestation of this disease.
Another reason for the high Irish hospitalization rate has been linked to Irish culture's ambivalent attitude towards the individual's need for individual independence and seclusion: Irish psychiatrists tend to prevent patients from returning to their isolated cottages and leave them in the hospital for long periods of time, dependent but cared for. .
At the same time, the behavior of shamans during rituals may not differ outwardly from the manifestations of some mental disorders. But while doing healing or performing a cycle of funeral rites, shamans summon spirits on their own initiative: with the help of special ecstasy techniques, they enter intentionally and purposefully induced altered (borderline) states of consciousness.
But diseases have also appeared that are found exclusively in Western Civilization, for example, anorexia nervosa, which struck a huge number of girls and young women from 13 to 30 years old in the West, but was not found in third world countries. Mental disorder manifests itself in the distortion of the image of one's own body, the fear of extra pounds, leading to the refusal of food and serious - sometimes irreversible - weight loss. Among the possible causes of this disease is the pursuit of the ideal, which in modern Western culture is a slender and even thin fashion model, as well as fashion for "boy" clothes, shoes and appearance.
Indian psychologists emphasize that the main property of the Indian personality is the acceptance of contradictions (see Pepitone, Triandis, 1987).
Recall the example of the study of social distance.
An excellent example of the inseparable connection between verbal and non-verbal communication is provided by the results of an empirical study conducted in the United States. When communicating with compatriots in their native language, the Venezuelans were at a closer distance than the Japanese. If the conversation of the subjects took place on English language, then intercultural differences almost completely disappeared, and the distance approached that adopted in American culture (average between Venezuelan and Japanese) (see Sussman, Rosenfeld, 1982).
Paralinguistic (intonation, voice volume) and extralinguistic (pauses) additions, as well as facial expressions, gestures, glances and much more.
In the Russian literary language, there are about 20 commonly used forms of personal names, and in colloquial speech, at least 80 expressive suffixes used in names have been identified.
This reflects the second meaning of the concept of "high-context culture" - a culture in which non-verbal behavior is more significant than verbal (see Intercultural communication theory, 1983).
However, literally Last year both in Japan itself and beyond its borders, viewers were witnesses of a whole series of television spectacles that contradicted all the canons of Japanese culture: "men (most often this happened to those who suffered a financial fiasco) sobbed, sobbed, roared." Psychologists are looking for explanations for the fact that “Japanese also cry” in the changes that have occurred over the past generations in the system of family education, when the influence of the father due to his workload in many families was minimized, and “for the mother, the son is a kind of precious vessel to be admired” (Izvestia, 1998, August 7, p. 11).
In addition to anger, sadness, disgust, fear, joy and surprise, contempt is also attributed to them today.
True, among relatives, the Japanese love to laugh and smile, considering it possible to “remove the masks”, to give vent to feelings of sadness or joy.
In this case, we are dealing with a culturally prescribed rule for the use of a smile. The French sociologist and ethnologist M. Moss drew attention to the "extreme prevalence of the obligatory and morally prescribed use of tears" in the funeral rites of traditional cultures (Moss, 1996, p. 74). Those. culture can regulate not only the containment of emotions, but also the exaggeration of their manifestation.
Another striking example of the stability of gesture symbolism in different cultures was noted by Yu. M. Lotman. In his opinion, the meaning of chin support is invariant. In any case, this is how a person in a state of choice is depicted both in the ritual figurines of the African Ndembu tribe and in O. Rodin's The Thinker (see Lotman, 1992 c).
In more recent studies, the same attribution strategy has been found in the Chinese and confirmed in the Japanese.
To this it should be added that in Japanese culture it is recommended to adhere to the life rule: “Consider yourself the cause of unhappiness” (Pronnikov, Ladanov, 1985, p. 39), and it is encouraged to say “bad things” about yourself (see Vezhbitskaya, 1997).
Strictly speaking, these are the actions of people corresponding to social or collective, to use the terminology of L. Levy-Bruhl, ideas.
D. Matsumoto proposed a modification of this dimension of culture, calling it the differentiation of statuses, i.e. the degree to which status differences are maintained between members of a culture (see Mateumoto, 1996).
The second group of factors, in his opinion, is related to various aspects of the language and its use.
Other dimensions of "Hofstede" culture are masculinity/femininity, uncertainty avoidance, and the distance between the individual and "power."
Hereinafter, we conditionally call representatives of individualistic cultures individualists, and collectivists - representatives of collectivistic cultures.
However, this is not always accompanied by a challenge to the generally accepted order: observers note that individualistic England differs from other countries not in the number of offenders, but in the number of “eccentrics per capita” (Ovchinnikov, 1987, p. 24).
As Schwartz notes, in ideal communal societies, such as small tribes, the identification of the individual with the group may be so close that it is almost impossible to imagine individuals having interests of their own (see Schwartz, 1990).
Another thing is that the goals of representatives of collectivist cultures are more socially oriented, and cooperation and even self-abasement are considered acceptable forms of achieving them (see Diaz Loving, 1998).
Ridicule is an effective way of weaning a child from what is considered wrong in many cultures with a high importance of community ties. As O.Yu. Artemova notes, in the tribes of Australian aborigines, ridicule caused the child “sensitivity to the opinions of others about him, encouraged him to try to look at himself “from the outside” and compare his behavior with the behavior of others” (Artemova, 1992, p. 37 ).
In the Russian countryside, there were many forms of bringing immoral acts to the judgment of the world. To appeal to public opinion, not only community gatherings were used, but also any wide gatherings - “from christening to commemoration and from round dance to help”, while the claims were expressed in the traditional folklore form (Gromyko, 1986, p. 107).
Thus, in medieval Christian systems, a person's act is considered as a sin only if it entails punishment beyond the grave (see Lotman, 1992).
The level of individualism/collectivism was determined using three various methods, among which the methods of G. Hofstede and S. Schwartz, which have received the widest distribution throughout the world.
At the same time, it should be taken into account that intergroup perception, as well as social perception in general, is not reduced to the concept of “perception” in the general psychological sense, but includes the entire field of knowledge of each other by people (see Andreeva, 1997).
As equivalent, the concepts of a picture of the world, a model of the world are used.
By the way, the self-name of the Germans goes back to the ancient German word teuta - "people, people" (see Ageeva, 1990).
The hypothesis about the primacy of awareness of intergroup differences in relation to awareness of intergroup similarities is also consistent with the effects found at other levels of psychological analysis. So, according to L.S. Vygotsky, the child realizes the difference earlier, since the very awareness of the relationship of similarity requires a more complex and later developing structure of generalization than the awareness of the relationship of difference (see Vygotsky, 1982). And when studying stereotypes, it was found that at the initial stage of identifying oneself with a group, another group (“they”) has a more pronounced qualitative certainty (see Ageev, 1990).

At present, more and more attention of researchers is also attracted by the idea that ethnic identity contains, in addition to the superficial conscious, a deeper unconscious layer (see Soldatova, 1998).
The role of progenitors was played by both totemic zooanthropomorphic ancestors (the rainbow serpent among the Australians, the gray wolf among the Mongols, etc.), and the first man, for example Manuu of the Indians.
A minority group is not necessarily a smaller group. This is a low-status group whose members are physically or culturally different from other members of society and are discriminated against (see Smelser, 1994). In this sense, even the black population of South Africa during the period of apartheid can be called a minority.
It is optimistic that even in the crisis post-Soviet times, the majority of Russians - from 60 to 86% according to the results of various authors - are characterized by such a "normal" ethnic identity without a sense of national exclusivity and hostility to other ethnic communities.

In an unpublished part of a study conducted by A.B. Mendyaeva in Kalmykia, it was found that the assimilated Kalmyks, against all odds, emphasized even their outward resemblance to Russians.
We also recall that members of low-status minority groups who do not see opportunities to fight for a change in the situation in society may manifest out-of-group favoritism.
Even among students from the United States, although the inhabitants of this country are distinguished by hyperpatriotism.
By attribution in a broad sense, we tend to understand the individual's subjective interpretation of the world, which in everyday life is by no means always based on scientific knowledge.
Initially, the word "stereotype" (solid print) appeared in polygraphy to designate a printed form - a copy from a printing set.
But without reducing the stereotype to the cognitive sphere, one should not go to the other extreme, highlighting in the stereotype - the image of a social object - in addition to the cognitive and emotional, there is also a behavioral component, as in a social attitude.
Such pairs of qualities G.U. Soldatova calls attributes-werewolves (see Soldatova, 1998).
The results of activities are considered both immediate, such as an accident, and long-term consequences of the actions of individuals and groups, including discrimination based on ethnicity.
It should be noted that any group-centric attributions are called ethnocentric in social psychology. This, in our opinion, reflects the importance of interethnic relations in the problems of intergroup relations in general.
In each case, specific personal qualities were offered as reasons - stereotypical, individual and anti-stereotypical for a "typical American" and "typical Soviet person", as well as external circumstances.
And today in Tatarstan they celebrate the days of memory of the victims of the capture of Kazan by the troops of Ivan the Terrible in 1552.
Some authors call ethnic conflict in the broad sense of the word inter-ethnic tension, considering it as a more general generic concept in relation to ethnic conflict in the narrow sense of the word, i.e. conflict actions (see Soldatova, 1998).

McDougall compared human instincts to a gas cylinder from which a poisonous substance is constantly released.
If you recall the metaphor with a gas cylinder, then this is still the same cylinder, but the poisonous substance begins to be released from it only when it is hit with a hammer.
Prejudices are considered as a screen in front of the mind, which prevents a person from objectively perceiving the world.
In 1982, during the war between Great Britain and Argentina over the Falkland Islands, the British television and radio corporation BBC was sharply criticized by M. Thatcher and lost financial support for interviews with Argentine mothers who mourned their sons killed in battle (see Brown, Firestone, Miscavige, 1994).
Unfortunately, at the stage of escalation of large-scale, deep-seated conflicts, none of these strategies is working. “In relation to these conflicts, methods of socio-political or military containment, judicial and punitive measures are used” (Tishkov, 1997, p. 354).

True, the extent to which such images influence the content of the stereotypes that have developed in the minds of Americans remains not fully explored, and changing stereotypes in and of itself cannot lead to the elimination of racial discrimination.
To date, intercultural migration has affected even more people: according to some estimates, about 100 million different categories of migrants live outside their country of origin (see Lebedeva, 1997c).
There is nothing new in this list, the same symptoms, speaking of nostalgia, have been identified by psychiatrists since the 17th century - “persistent sadness, thoughts only about the homeland, disturbed sleep or prolonged wakefulness, loss of strength, decreased appetite and thirst, feeling of fear, numbness ...” [Jaspers, 1996, p.12).
True, for visitors this may be due to the anticipation of returning to their homeland.
For example, about half of US citizens who have not received special training cannot cope with difficulties and quit working abroad. For many, this failure turns out to be a real tragedy, as it reduces self-esteem and chances for future promotions.
After the collapse of the USSR and the decline in the status of Russians in the countries of the near abroad, they begin to perceive the cultural distance with Ukrainians not as “close”, but as “average”, and with Estonians - not as “middle”, but as “far” (see Lebedev, 1997 c).

M .: Institute of Psychology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, "Academic Project",
2000. - 320 p. MV Lomonosov in an extremely limited edition in 1998. It attempts to integrate ethnopsychological approaches that exist in various sciences - from psychology to cultural anthropology. The ways of development of ethnopsychology are outlined, the classical and latest achievements of its main schools and trends in the study of personality, communication, regulation of social behavior in the context of culture are presented. The socio-psychological aspects of ethnic identity, interethnic relations, adaptation in a foreign cultural environment are analyzed in detail.
For students specializing in psychology, history, political science and other humanities. The problem of the social group in the mirror of ethnopsychology
Foreword
Introduction
Ethnic revival of the second half of the twentieth century
The ethnic paradox of modernity
Psychological reasons for the growth of ethnic identity in the modern world
Ethnic identity in situations of social instability
Ethnopsychology as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge
What is an ethnos?
Culture as a psychological concept.
What is ethnopsychology?
The history of the emergence and formation of ethnopsychology
Ethnopsychological ideas in European science
The origin of ethnopsychology in history and philosophy
The study of the psychology of peoples in Germany and Russia "
W. Wundt: the psychology of peoples as the first form of socio-psychological knowledge
G. G. Shpet on the subject of ethnic psychology
Psychological direction in American ethnology
Crop Configurations
Basic and Modal Personality
The subject and tasks of psychological anthropology
Comparative-cultural approach to the construction of general psychological knowledge
First empirical research in general psychology
A bit about intelligence tests
visual illusions
Color: coding and categorization
The main directions of ethnopsychological research
Relativism, absolutism, universalism
L. Levy-Bruhl on the mentality of primitive and modern man.
K. Levi-Strauss on the universality of the structure of thinking
Personality in cultures and ethnic groups
Ethnocultural variability of socialization
Socialization, inculturation, cultural transmission
Ethnography of childhood
Comparative Cultural Study of Socialization: Archival, Field and Experimental Research
Adolescence and "transition to the world of adults"
Ethnopsychological problems of personality research
Personality traits: universality or specificity?
National character or mentality?
The problem of norm and pathology
Universal and culturally specific aspects of communication
Comparative-cultural approach in social psychology
Dependence of communication on cultural context
Expressive behavior and culture
Cross-cultural differences in causal attribution
Cultural Variation in Regulators of Social Behavior
Regulatory function of culture
individualism and collectivism
Guilt and Shame as Mechanisms of Social Control
Conformity as a regulator of individual behavior in a group
Psychology of interethnic relations
Interethnic Relations and Cognitive Processes
Intergroup and interpersonal relations
Psychological determinants of interethnic relations
Social and ethnic identity
Cognitive and affective components of ethnic identity
Development and transformation of ethnic identity
Stages of formation of ethnic identity
The Influence of the Social Context on the Formation of Ethnic Identity
Strategies for maintaining ethnic identity
The problem of changing ethnic identity
Model of two dimensions of ethnic identity
Mechanisms of intergroup perception in interethnic relations
Ethnocentrism as a socio-psychological phenomenon
Ethnic stereotypes: history of study and main properties
Ethnic stereotypes: the problem of truth
Ethnic stereotypes and the mechanism of stereotyping
Social causal attribution
Ethnic conflicts: causes and ways of settlement
Definition and classification of ethnic conflicts
Ethnic conflicts: how they arise
Ethnic conflicts: how they proceed
Settlement of ethnic conflicts
Adapting to a new cultural environment
Adaptation. acculturation. fixture
Culture shock and stages of intercultural adaptation
Factors influencing the process of adaptation to a new cultural environment
Consequences of intercultural contacts for groups and individuals
Preparation for intercultural interaction
"Cultural assimilator" or technique for increasing intercultural sensitivity
General Bibliography

Ethnopsychology. Stefanenko T.G.

3rd ed., rev. and additional - M.: Aspect Press, 2004 - 368 p.

The textbook outlines a systematic course in ethnopsychology. It attempts to integrate ethnopsychological approaches that exist in various sciences - from psychology to cultural anthropology. The ways of development of ethnopsychology are outlined, the classical and latest achievements of its main schools and trends in the study of personality, communication, and regulation of social behavior are presented. The socio-psychological aspects of ethnic identity, interethnic relations, adaptation in a foreign cultural environment are analyzed in detail.

For students majoring in psychology, history, political science and other humanities.

Format: djvu/zip(2004, 368s.)

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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface to the third edition 6
The problem of the social group in the mirror of ethnopsychology 7
PART I INTRODUCTION
Chapter 1. Ethnic revival at the turn of the millennium 18
1.1 The ethnic paradox of modernity 18
1.2. Psychological reasons for the growth of ethnic identity in the modern world 20
1.3. Ethnic identity in a situation of social instability 24
Chapter 2. Ethnopsychology as an interdisciplinary field of knowledge 27
2.1. Ethnos as a psychological community 27
2.2. Culture as a psychological concept 31
2.3. What is ethnopsychology? 35
Part II HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND FORMATION OF ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY
Chapter 3. Ethnopsychological Ideas in European Science 44
3.1. The origin of ethnopsychology in history and philosophy 44
3.2. Studying the psychology of peoples in Germany and Russia 47
3.3. Psychology of peoples W. Wundt 51
3.4. G. G. Shpet on the subject of ethnic psychology 54
Chapter 4. Psychological trend in American ethnology 56
4.1. Crop configurations 56
4.2. Basic and Modal Personality 59
4.3. Subject and tasks of psychological anthropology 62
Chapter 5. Comparative-cultural approach to the construction of general psychological knowledge 66
5.1. Empirical studies of perceptual processes 66
5.2. Visual illusions and culture 70
5.3. Color: coding and categorization 73
5.4. A little about intelligence tests 78
Chapter 6. Main theoretical orientations of ethnopsychological research 82
6.1. Relativism, absolutism, universalism 82
6.2. L. Levy-Bruhl on the mentality of primitive and modern man 85
6.3. K. Levi-Strauss on the universality of the structure of thinking 91
Part III PERSON AND GROUP IN CULTURES AND ETHNOES
Chapter 7. Ethno-cultural variability of socialization 96
7.1. Socialization, inculturation, cultural transmission 96
7.2. The impact of culture on child development 102
7.3. Ethnography of childhood 108
7.4. Archival, field and experimental studies of socialization 112
7.5. Adolescence and "transition to the world of adults" 121
Chapter 8. Ethnopsychological problems of personality research 127
8.1. Personality and personality traits: universality or specificity? 127
8.2. National character or mentality? 135
8.3. Ways to unravel the Russian soul 142
8.4. The problem of the norm and pathology of personality 153
Chapter 9. Universal and culture-specific aspects of communication 160
9.1. Social psychology and cultural context 160
9.2. The dependence of communication on the cultural context 168
9.3. Expressive behavior and culture 174
9.4. Language of space and time 182
9.5. Cross-cultural differences in causal attribution 188
Chapter 10
10.1. Regulatory function of culture 194
10.2. Individualism and collectivism 198
10.3. The study of values ​​as a way to the knowledge of culture 206
10.4. Guilt and Shame as Mechanisms of Social Control 213
10.5. Conformity as a regulator of individual behavior in a group 219
Part IV PSYCHOLOGY OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS
Chapter 11. Interethnic Relations and Cognitive Processes 226
11.1. Relations interpersonal, intergroup and interethnic..226
11.2. Psychological determinants of interethnic relations 230
11.3. Main components of ethnic identity 233
11.4. Language and other ethno-differentiating features 238
Chapter 12. Development and transformation of ethnic identity 243
12.1. Stages of formation of ethnic identity 243
12.2. Influence of social context on ethnic identity... 251
12.3. Strategies for maintaining ethnic identity 257
12.4. Models for measuring ethnic identity 264
Chapter 13. Mechanisms of intergroup perception in interethnic relations 272
13.1. Ethnocentrism as a socio-psychological phenomenon 272
13.2. Ethnic stereotypes and the process of stereotyping 280
13.3. Ethnic stereotypes: basic properties 285
13.4. Social causal attribution 291
Chapter 14. Ethnic conflicts - causes and ways of settlement 300
14.1. Definition and classification of ethnic conflicts 300
14.2. Ethnic Conflicts: How They Arise 305
14.3. Ethnic conflicts: how they proceed 312
14.4. Settlement of ethnic conflicts 316
Chapter 15 Adapting to a New Cultural Environment 324
15.1. Adaptation. acculturation. Tool 324
15.2. Influence on the process of adaptation to a new cultural environment: main factors 331
15.3. Consequences of intercultural contacts for groups and individuals 338
15.4. Preparation for intercultural interaction 341
15.5. Cultural Assimilation, or Technique for Increasing Intercultural Sensitivity 345
Literature 351